Challenges and prospects of AU to implement Ezulwini Consensus: the case of collective security and the use of force

                                                         Tunamsifu Shirambere Philippe

The Ezulwini Consensus has endorsed the Responsibility to protect (R2P) that recognizes the right to intervene when a State is unwilling or unable to protect its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. In such situations, Ezulwini Consensus emphasises that regional organizations in areas of proximity to conflicts should be empowered to take action. However, the current situation in the Eastern DRC has challenged the ICGLR to implement the Ezulwini Consensus. The ICGLR is unable to take appropriate action against Member States who are providing support to armed groups destabilizing other Member States. In order to protect the population under imminent threat and maintain the Great Lakes Region as a specific zone of reconstruction and development, Member States of the ICGLR have to demonstrate their political will to respect the fundamental principles particularly of the territorial integrity, national sovereignty, non-interference and non-aggression against another Member State. Besides, the AU must take its own responsibility by sending African Experts in order to help the ICGLR to resolve the crisis as the mediator between the Government of the DRC and M23 is no longer neutral.

for more read my post on: http://issuu.com/tunamsifu/docs/philippe_ezulwini_consensus_saaps_o 

Post-conflict reconstruction issues in the Eastern DRC: the prospects of sustainable peace

By Philippe Tunamsifu Shirambere

Generally speaking, conflicts are inevitable or an inescapable fact of human existence. However, warring parties may themselves avoid further conflict, stop fighting and negotiate a settlement, or a third party may enter the scene and enable parties to transform their relationship and reach an agreement. Thus, beyond stalemate and de-escalation, warring parties commit to not re-engage in armed conflicts, prevent future conflicts and involve in reconstruction efforts. Nevertheless, often one party may fail to fulfill the agreement or be without good faith and the conflict might escalate again. This is the situation to which the DRC is confronted since 1997 even before; various armed conflicts have taken place, peace agreements have been signed, but conflicts still escalate as the result of failure to restore the State’s authority. On the other hand, agreements with armed groups and neighboring countries are not respected because of selfish interests. Particularly, in the eastern part of the DRC conflicts occur in a vicious circle up to date. Areas rich in minerals are still under control of rebel groups. Consequently, this situation has delayed the country’s development, it blocks the reconstruction of the country, and unfortunately it has created hatred among Congolese.

Indeed, this paper tries to respond to the following question: how can reconstruction be possible in the eastern part of the DRC while the current regime has failed to restore the State’s authority and to resolve conflicts?

Different attempts of restoring sustainable peace in the eastern part of the DRC will be examined in detail. Sustainable peace should be seen as a holistic approach which takes into account all aspects of life.  It is very complex and requires more efforts of all stakeholders to talk about what happened and to address the main issues.

Regarding the desire for truth and the public’s demand for justice through different signed peace agreements, as the first truth and reconciliation commission (2003-2006) has failed to open a single enquiry; this paper will examine the priority of designing a new truth and reconciliation commission as prospect to attain sustainable peace in the DRC. Before that, the indigenous multi-ethnic mechanism of low-level conflicts settlement in North Kivu, ‘Barza intercommunautaire’ could be re-established in order to sensitize all ethnic groups and bring dialogue between them with the purpose to welcome the truth and reconciliation commission. Moreover, because the conflicts have a regional implication, in order to maintain stability in the eastern part of the DRC, a national dialogue will be suggested in both neighboring countries so that the Rwandan and Ugandan militias operating in the Congolese eastern forest since 1994 may return in their respective countries through a dialogue process because efforts for military disarmament have not been successful.

Thus, this paper provides a brief overview of different conflicts; analyzes different attempts to address the past as the way to rebuild the country, and the prospects of sustainable peace.

Send your comments as the paper will be published soon.

Paper presented to the International Peace Forum in the collaboration with the Rotary Club of Pretorai Hatfield and the Institute for Dispute Resolution in Africa (IDRA-UNISA) on May 2013.

Philippe Tunamsifu Shirambere is currently an LLD Student at UNISA. Has a Master of Arts in International Law and the Settlement of Disputes from the United Nations affiliated University for Peace (Costa Rica-2001) and a Honours in Public International Law from the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL-Goma). He is also a lecture of law at the ULPGL in the Eastern part of the DR Congo and author of two books in addition to a number of articles.

International Humanitarian Law violations in the armed conflict in eastern part of DR Congo: the case of the CNDP

Tunamsifu Shirambere Philippe

More than six decades since the adoption of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, mankind has experienced an alarming number of armed conflicts affecting almost every continent. During this time, the four Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols of 1977 have provided legal protection to people not or no longer participating directly in hostilities (the wounded, sick and shipwrecked, persons deprived of their liberty for reasons related to an armed conflict and civilians). Even so, there have been numerous violations of these treaties, resulting in suffering and death which could have been avoided if International Humanitarian Law (IHL) was better respected.

For more than two decades, the African Great Lakes Region has been characterized by intense political violence which has resulted in various violations of serious international crimes including genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

This article will focus on the third armed conflict (2004-2009) under the leadership of General Nkunda and Colonel Mutebusi’s rebellions. Besides, it the legal reasoning of the violations of international humanitarian law during the third conflict in the DRC and then presentes the necessity to prosecute the perpetrators.

For more, the article was published in A38JIL 2(1), (April 2013) 244-252 Available at 

https://docs.google.com/a/athirtyeight.com/viewer?a=v&pid=sites&srcid=YXRoaXJ0eWVpZ2h0LmNvbXx2b2x1bWUtMnxneDo3MjM0N2U1NGNiNzJkOTUy

Illegal Trafficking of natural resources by the UN peacekeepers in the Eastern Part of the DR Congo

Tunamsifu Shirambere Philippe

Since 1996, the DRC has been the theater of armed conflicts in which were involved neighbor countries. As the conflict became the threat to the regional peace and security, the UNSC was concerned and called for a ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign forces. Following the signing of Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, through the resolution 1279(1999) the UNSC established the MONUC which became MONUSCO by the Resolution 1925(2010). Indeed, the main mandate was the protection of civilian population, humanitarian personnel and to support the Government in its stabilization and peace.

Nevertheless, since the establishment of the MONUC/MONUSCO, many evidences have been expressed to denounce the involvement of peacekeepers in gold trading and possible provision of arms and ammunition but ever since no sanctions. They were also involved in illegal trafficking of natural resources through national staffs of the MONUC/MONUSCO. In proceedings of fragrance, the court has found him guilty for trying to smuggle minerals to Rwanda and has been condemned.

Indeed, the conclusion underlines that the UN peacekeeping had not been able to successfully reestablish peace even to prevent illegal trafficking of natural resources.

Thus, this study tries to analyze the involvement of peacekeepers in illegal trafficking of natural resources and a legal case.

The article was published in the A38 Journal of International Law, Volume 1, Edition 2. (October 2012) and is available on: 

https://docs.google.com/a/athirtyeight.com/viewer?a=v&pid=sites&srcid=YXRoaXJ0eWVpZ2h0LmNvbXx2b2x1bWUtMS1lZGl0aW9uLTF8Z3g6NmQ3M2M2NjQ3MDljODBmZg

Umpteenth Rwanda's involvement in the destabilization of the eastern DRC

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), former Republic of Zaïre, located in Central Africa, is the second largest country in Africa by area after Algeria. Indeed, after 32 years of dictatorship of Mobutu’s presidency (1965-1997), the country entered into various armed conflicts[1], for more than fifteen years (1997-2012), in which neighboring east States were involved and endless negotiations.

The first conflict began in the eastern part of the former Republic of Zaire in 1996 with the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL). The AFDL was a coalition movement created in October 1996 that successfully overthrew the government of Mobutu in 1997 in a military coup backed by the neighboring countries as Angola, Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda.

In eight months, October 1996-May 1997, the AFDL took over the country. Laurent-Désiré Kabila, spokesperson for the coalition, came into power, he changed the country’s name to the DRC and the swearing in took place on May 17, 1997 while President Mobutu fled to Morocco.

While Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda stayed and pillaged the regions gold, diamonds and coltan, President Laurent-Désiré Kabila was angered by their refusal to leave the DRC and in July 1998, he decided to withdrawal the foreign armies from DRC. The Rwandan and Ugandan Armies got angry and consequently, in August 1998, they turned against him and backed a new rebellion. This was the beginning of the second armed conflict with three rebel’s movements. The Congolese Rally for Democracy (CRD) occupying the Kivu provinces with the support of Rwanda, the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) the Equateur province supported by Uganda, and the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC) the Ituri supported by Uganda and Rwanda. Consequently, the country was divided and each rebellion movement administrates its area like a “state”.

On 16 December 2002, a meeting was held in Pretoria (Republic of South Africa) where various elements/groups and entities involved in the Inter-Congolese Dialogue signed a Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the DRC. The Parties to that Agreement having armed forces, agreed to combine their efforts and to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC. The Parties to the Global and All Inclusive Accords of 2002 agree to cease hostilities and to seek a peaceful and equitable solution to the crisis that the country is facing (…), to commit themselves to the process of creating a restructured, integrated national army (…) and to set up a government of national unity.

After the establishment of the Transitional Government in 2003, the General Laurent Nkunda who was one of the commanding officer of CRD refused to integrate the Congolese Army and began to fight against the Transitional Government in June 2004. He creates his own movement the National Congress for the Defense of People (CNDP), under the pretext of wanting to support his tribal community.

To end this crisis and after the failure of many negotiations, the DRC Government decided to negotiate directly with the Rwandan Government which was supporting the CNDP and to establish a joint military operation involving Rwanda and DRC to disarm FDLR militias. However as he tried to resist a joint operation, the ex-general Laurent Nkunda was arrested in January 2009 while he was fleeing on Rwandan territory. So the General Bosco Ntaganda, who was the rebel group’s chief of staff, took over control accusing Laurent Nkunda of incompetence and trying to lead the movement like his own property.

After the arrest of the ex-general Laurent Nkunda, the DRC Government and the CNDP consented to a peace agreement signed on 23 March 2009. Under the article 1 (1.1, ab) of this Agreement, the CNDP undertook "to integrate its police and army units respectively in the Congolese National Police and the Armed Forces of the DRC and to transform themselves into political party (...)". Moreover, under the articles 1.2 and 12.1, the Government committed itself to "handle expeditiously the request for approval of the CNDP as a political party and a political solution to the problem of vocational rehabilitation staff and administrators have joined the CNDP without prejudice, provided, of legal texts in force."

Indeed, the elements of the CNDP were integrated into the congolese army, Bosco Ntaganda was made brigadier general and his lieutenant Makenga a colonel; the CNDP ex-political-military movement became a political party and its civil political leaders have been integrated in the political institutions (Senate and the provincial government of North Kivu).

Finally, after the elections of 28 November 2011 and after the ICC convicted Thomas Lubanga in March 2012, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, which has decided to put justice aside for peace in the case of General Bosco Ntaganda, was under an international pressure to arrest Bosco Ntaganda. Unfortunately this come to start defection of the former CNDP rebels integrated in the Congolese Army with the main claim as the full implementation of the peace agreements of 23 March 2009.

According to many reports, there is evidence that the Republic of Rwanda is supporting the mutiny of M23. Among reports, the internal UN report reveled by BBC saying that Rwanda is once again supporting rebels in eastern Congo linked to renegade general Bosco Ntaganda. The report cites rebel soldiers who say they were trained to join the Rwandan army but were sent instead across the border to eastern Congo to fight alongside mutinous soldiers. It has been also demonstrated by the Human Rights Watch’s report saying “that Rwandan army officials have provided weapons, ammunition, and an estimated 200 to 300 recruits to support Ntaganda’s mutiny in Rutshuru territory, eastern Congo” (HRW, June 2012). Also the United Nations panel of experts has gathered evidence of arms embargo and sanctions regime violations committed by the Rwandan Government. These violations consist of the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC, including the M23.

Moreover, the Information Minister of the Congolese government and spokesman has confirmed reports by the UN mission in DR Congo and Human Rights Watch. During a press conference at the end of the delegation of the Congolese government mission in the eastern Congo city (Goma), the spokesman confirmed that “The Rwandan territory was used in the preparation and commission of a conspiracy which, having started as a simple mutiny, is dangerously moving towards a pattern of breaches of the peace between the two countries of the Great Lakes region”(Congo News Agency, June 2012). However, the Rwandan government has denied providing support to Ntaganda’s forces.

While the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) pledged to strengthen defence cooperation with Rwandan Defence Forces, the United States Government has sent a hostile signal to Rwanda by canceling a small military assistance program. Also three European States (United Kingdom, Netherlands and the Dutch government) have joined the United States in withholding aid to Rwanda over its alleged backing of rebels in Democratic Republic of Congo.

Regarding the interest of the Republic of Rwanda as well as the Republic of Uganda by supporting the AFDL, the CRD, the CNDP and currently the M23 through the exploitation of local communities, as Tutsi, many people have not yet known why Rwanda is still invaded the eastern part of the DR Congo. The fundamental reasons are the illegal exploitation of natural resources and other forms of wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo but also the hypothesis of an attempt of balkanization should not be excluded.

For the above mentioned, we come to realize that the Rwandan regime is the complicit and the author of acts of atrocities, of massive violations of human rights and international humanitarian law and might be find guilty of systematic looting of natural resources. The Rwandan and Ugandan authorities must face prosecution at the International Criminal Court for supporting rebel groups responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes in accordance with the article 5 of the Rome Statute.

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[1] For more read P. Tunamsifu Shirambere, “The Challenges of the Obligation to Co-operate between the ICC and the DR Congo : The Case of the Fourth Arrest Warrant Against General Bosco Ntaganda”, in The A38 Journal of International Law, Volume 1, Edition 2, 2012, pp. 1-2

Etude d’impact du projet genre et justice/Heal Africa et d’indentification des obstacles socioculturels qui bloquent l’accès à la justice des survivants des violences sexuelles

Oeuvre réalisée par:

1.  Prof. Dr. Kennedy KIHANGI BINDU, LLD (Sous la Direction)
2. CT. Philippe TUNAMSIFU SHIRAMBERE (MA in International Law and the Settlement of Disputes) 
3. CT. Elu MUMBERE MBASA (MA in Environmental Peace and Security)
4. Ass. Victor IRENGE (Licence en Droit privé) 
5. Me Richard MALENGULE (Licence en Droit public et MA in Community Care)

1.       

La question sur les violences sexuelles déferle encore la chronique au Kivu suite à ses conséquences fâcheuses. Il est d’une extrême urgence que des actions efficaces soient entreprises pour endiguer ce fléau. Nous venons de publier une étude est une des pistes à louer dans l’identification des résultats atteints par HEAL Africa au terme de l’exécution de son programme Genre et Justice. L’équipe des chercheurs du Centre de Recherche sur la Démocratie et le Développement en Afrique, CREDDA, de l’Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs/Faculté de Droit, a été sélectionnée pour des fins utiles à ce propos. Dans l’introduction, les questions saillantes sont abordées par l’équipe suivant un canevas de présentation d’un travail de « recherche – action » de la manière ci-après : description du problème, présentation sommaire de HEAL Africa, résultats attendus du projet Genre et Justice ainsi que les activités entreprises et enfin présentation sommaire du Centre de Recherche sur la Démocratie et le Développement en Afrique, CREDDA.

En effet, le projet Genre et Justice/HEAL Africa est une solution à plusieurs égards à un bon nombre des cas des violences liées au genre, spécialement les violences sexuelles, signalés devant des cliniques juridiques en province du Nord Kivu. Un accompagnement médico-légal se fait de manière bien appréciable. L’évaluation du projet dans son exécution dans les axes Kitchanga, Kiwanja et Goma ville par l’équipe des chercheurs au Centre CREDDA de la Faculté de Droit de l’Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL) a conduit à la formulation de certaines observations générales pour une amélioration future des activités du projet Genre et Justice dans la perspective de lutter contre les violences liées au genre, particulièrement les violences sexuelles, et un suivi médico – légal des survivantes des violences sexuelles.

Nous vous invitons à lire notre publication qui est disponible sur l’adresse suivante : http://www.congonova.org/revue/docs/CREDDA_HealAfrica.pdf et nous soumettre d’autres recherches de terrain (recherche-action) si besoin il y en a.

Situation sécuritaire dans l’Est de la RD Congo: Lettre du MINAFET au Conseil de Securité

A Monsieur LI BAODONG,

Président du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies

One United Nations Plaza

N.Y.10017

New York

Objet : Situation sécuritaire dans l’Est de la RD Congo

Monsieur le Président du Conseil,

J’ai l’honneur de vous tenir informé de la détérioration de la situation sécuritaire dans la Province du Nord-Kivu, en République Démocratique du Congo.

En effet, le 30 avril 2012, une mutinerie a éclaté dans trois unités des Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) au Nord et au Sud-Kivu. Conduite par leur ancien chef, Bosco Ntaganda, d’anciens membres du groupe armé CNDP, intégrés dans l’armée, suite aux Accords de Paix signés à Goma en 2009, venaient de déserter pour tenter de lancer une nouvelle rébellion armée.

Mis en déroute par les FARDC, ces éléments, à peine quelques centaines sur plus de 4.000 qui avaient été intégrés ont fui vers le Parc National de Virunga où ils sont allés s’adosser à la frontière rwandaise, dans un réduit de 4 km² au plus, situé entre les collines de Runyonyi, Mbuzi et Tshianzu.

Dans une vaine tentative de donner un caractère politique à ce qui, en fait, n’est qu’une fuite en avant devant l’étau de la justice qui commençait à se resserrer sur Bosco Ntaganda pour les crimes qu’il avait commis sous l’UPC en Ituri, les mutins tentent astucieusement de se donner une nouvelle identité en rebaptisant leur mouvement M23.

Le soubassement de leur action n’a cependant rien à voir avec des engagements souscrits en 2009 et que le Gouvernement congolais n’aurait pas honorés.

Le Gouvernement de la République Démocratique du Congo est préoccupé par la tournure que prend la situation, d’autant plus que cette mutinerie a provoqué le déplacement de milliers de familles congolaises, engendrant une nouvelle crise humanitaire.

Le Gouvernement voudrait attirer l’attention du Conseil de sécurité sur le fait que des informations en provenance de sources variées, mais concordantes, font été de soutiens dont bénéficieraient les mutins à partir du Rwanda et de l’existence d’une filière de recrutement de combattants dans ce pays voisin, membre, comme la République Démocratique du Congo de l’Union Africaine (UA), de la Communauté Economique des Pays des Grands Lacs (CEPGL) et de la Conférence internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs (CIRGL), en contravention de tous les instruments juridiques librement souscrits par les deux pays dans le cadre de ces organisations, et des résolutions pertinentes du Conseil de Sécurité.

Le Gouvernement de la République, tenant compte de la gravité des faits, s’était donné le temps de les corroborer avec ses propres sources. Une enquête avait donc été diligentée pendant qu’étaient mis en œuvre, parallèlement, les mécanismes conjoints institués il y a quelques années par la République Démocratique du Congo et le Rwanda à l’effet de vérifier ensemble lesdits faits sur terrain.

Aujourd’hui, les conclusions des enquêtes et mécanismes conjoints permettent d’affirmer ce qui suit :

1.      parmi les mutins se sont trouvés quelques 200 à 300 éléments recrutés sur le territoire du Rwanda par un réseau actif dans ce pays voisin;

2.      plusieurs combattants ainsi recrutés sont des ressortissants rwandais, infiltrés en République Démocratique du Congo. Ils ont subi un entraînement sommaire avant d’être déployés au front contre les FARDC;

3.      il y a des mineurs d’âge et des très jeunes gens parmi eux;

4.      alors que dans leur fuite, les mutins avaient abandonné tout leur armement, soit 38 tonnes, récupérés par les FARDC, il a été noté un décuplement de leur puissance de feu dès leur arrivée dans le triangle Runyonyi-Tshianzu-Mbuzi accoté à la ligne frontalière entre la République Démocratique du Congo et le Rwanda.

5.      des alliances contre nature se sont établies. A titre d’exemple, les FDLR, dont certains avaient été rapatriés au Rwanda par la MONUSCO ont rejoint les rangs des mutins, comme en témoigne leur capture sur le front.

De ce qui précède, il ressort que le territoire rwandais a servi à la préparation et à la perpétration d’une conspiration qui, après avoir commencé comme une simple mutinerie, évolue dangereusement vers un schéma de rupture de la paix entre deux pays de la Région des Grands Lacs, remettant en cause les progrès accomplis en ce domaine depuis 2009.

Aussi, le Gouvernement de la République Démocratique du Congo demande-t-il instamment au Conseil de Sécurité de :

1)      condamner la nouvelle tentative de rébellion menée par les ex-éléments du CNDP rebaptisé ; 

2)      réaffirmer l’intangibilité de la souveraineté, de l’intégrité territoriale et de l’indépendance de la République Démocratique du Congo;

3)      condamner les exactions et les violations des droits humains et du droit international humanitaire, y compris les déplacements des populations, dont sont victimes les populations congolaises des Provinces du Kivu et en rendre responsables les éléments de M23;

4)      condamner le soutien extérieur dont le M23 bénéficie et tenir ceux qui le lui apportent solidairement responsables de tous les actes répréhensibles commis par ce mouvement;

5)      rappeler le Rwanda à ses obligations internationales et exiger le retrait immédiat et sans conditions des membres de ses forces armées qui se dissimileraient dans les rangs de la rébellion;

6)      prendre ses responsabilités au regard des dispositions pertinentes de la Charte des Nations Unies et des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, pour mettre un terme à tout soutien extérieur aux mutins;

7)      prendre toutes les mesures idoines pour mettre un terme à l’activité de toutes les forces négatives, y compris les FDLR, le CNDP et le M23.

Je saisis cette occasion pour redire, au nom du Gouvernement de la République Démocratique du Congo combien nous apprécions le partenariat efficace qui s’est établi sur le terrain entre les FARDC et la force de la MON USCO et saluer, tout particulièrement, le rôle joué par la MONUSCO dans la protection des populations civiles et en appui aux FARDC.

Je vous prie de bien vouloir faire circuler la présence lettre comme document officiel du Conseil de sécurité et vous informe avoir transmis une lettre identique au Secrétaire Général de l’Organisation des Nations Unies.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Président du Conseil, l’assurance de ma considération distinguée.

Raymond Tshibanda N’Tungamulongo

source: 7sur7.cd/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=34222:-affaire-des-mutins-du-m23--la-rdc-accuse-le-rwanda-au-conseil-de-securite-&catid=24:le-phare